Brazilian Miracle
An economic boom built upon industrialization, the Brazilian Miracle is remembered as a failure in centralized planning, military autocracy, and state terror that ultimately degraded many to their pre-industrial lives.
By the mid-nineteenth century, Japan was enveloped in political upheaval which brought the nation to a standstill. Since 1603, the ruling Tokugawa shogunate enforced national self-isolation (Sakoku) to prevent the infection of religious “impurities” from Spanish and Portuguese traders. Through the first two centuries of rule, the successive shoguns (military rulers) were able to keep such influences at bay; emphasizing traditional Japanese values as a means to keep the populace homogenous. The collectivism perpetuated by the shogunate kept the local lords (daimyo) from warring amongst themselves, creating a decades-long peace. In the tranquility, the country experienced a boom in economic development, urbanization, commercialization, and small-scale rural agriculture. While there were certainly positives to these changes, unintended consequences regarding social classes would come to undermine the shogun’s rule. Merchants, historically one of the lowest classes, quickly rose to become some of the wealthiest members of society. At the same time, the honorable samurai class became indebted as without conflict, there is little need to hire soldiers. Certain factions of samurai considered their sudden loss of status a failure on behalf of the shogun’s lack of foresight. The shogunate soon found itself without a loyal fighting force, sustainably diminishing its central authority. Concurrent with the dissolution of the military establishment, famine and peasant uprisings razed the countryside, reducing the shogunate’s power to a formality. While this political drama was unraveling, foreign governments began to recognize Japan’s internal weakness as an opportunity to globalize the nation’s economy. In the age of imperialism, western nations sought influence over fragile states as a means to bolster their own “magnificence” and economic prosperity. Ordered to bring Japan into the American sphere of influence, Commodore Matthew Perry and his flotilla of gunboats were sent to “negotiate” the opening of Japanese ports (1852-1854). At his arrival, the Japanese populace trembled in fear at the sight of Perry’s “black ships” lurking off their coast. The exterior of these vessels were covered in an array of cannons, nearly masked by the black paint; their steam engines billowed clouds of exhaust. In their isolation, Japanese technology had largely fallen out of parallel with its western counterparts. There was little knowledge and defensive preparation to counter such mechanized warships; the country was gripped with fear. The Tokugawa shogunate, already in the midst of a social and political crisis, was in a state of disrepair. With the present threat of bombardment, Perry only had to land his rifled detachment before the shogunate conceded to American demands. By the end of 1854, Japanese ports were reluctantly opened to western traders. For a government so firm in its pursuit of a Japanese cultural revival, the shogunate had opened the floodgates to a sea of western ideals. By 1868, the shogunate would collapse under its bureaucratic weight; the vision of a traditionalist Japanese society went with it. With the shogun out of power, the American government restored the emperor (previously a figurehead for the shogunate) to his full power. This was a different kind of revival, this was bringing Japan into the modern age. The Meiji Restoration (named for the first restored emperor) brought swaths of western concepts to the nation. Western books, art, and clothing became the new infatuation of the upper classes; this came alongside a reorganization of the education system to model a western style of learning. A national military was established and equipped with the latest armaments; outclassing the archaic samurai system. Factories were constructed, manufacturing commodities at mass for consumption by the growing middle class. However, this is not to say the Restoration was without its troubles. The new regime, while pro-western (implying pro-democracy), was undoubtedly authoritarian. Under the direction of Emperor Meiji, enforcement of traditionalist women’s roles remained a continuity from the late shogunate, barring female entry into the new political and social landscape. Despite this focus on traditional feminine roles, women held up the backbone of the rapidly growing industrial machine; accepting low wages and atrocious working conditions to support their families. The military, now a formidable force in East Asia, could effectively oppress the historic “enemies” of the Japanese people. The occupations of Korea and later Manchuria have been noted as particularly barbaric; these respective peoples were stripped of their essential freedoms and forced to assimilate into a Japanese-dominated culture. It is clear that the Japanese were rather selective in which pieces of “enlightened” western ideals they chose to adopt. Many saw the new social inequalities, particularly between the classes, as unjust western intrusions into a fundamentalist Shinto nation. As the turn of the century approached, the universal support for western culture faded as people became aware of the inadequacies of certain practices. Soon, small but vocal uprisings emerged to challenge the western-backed emperor; many were hanged for their disloyalty to the state. It was a divisive social climate, there was a general feeling of progress with substantial repressed dissatisfaction. Kiyoshi K. Kawakami, observing the fallout of the Meiji Restoration in the early 1920s, collected a series of works characterizing different viewpoints regarding the era. His anthology, What Japan Thinks, serves as a summary of how Japan came into an internal disagreement over the proper direction for the nation’s future.
A colored photograph of Emperor Meiji, taken by imperial photographer Uchida Kuichi. The influence of western clothing is evident through the emperor’s choice to wear European-style garbs, specifically a military outfit, for this photograph. His hair is also combed in a western style, in keeping with the cultural infatuation. The taking of this photograph was something unprecedented in Japan; no previous emperor had been photographed during their reign. This represented a shift in direction toward a more humanized emperor, someone more akin to a western leader.
Source : Metropolitan Museum of Art
Mutsuhito, The Meiji Emperor, Uchida Kuichi, October of 1873
An excerpt from newspaper editor Isoh Yamagata’s article, A World Unsafe For Democracy; the first work listed in What Japan Thinks. The title is a wordplay on a famous phrase from American President Woodrow Wilson: “The world must be made safe for democracy”. Wilson was requesting Congress to declare war on Germany due to their unrestricted submarine warfare campaign on American shipping. Yamagata believes such a system of request and the religious-like belief in said system is a failure of western thought. In his view, an ideal nation should be ruled by a single autocrat with ultimate control over their country. Handing the power to the people, as he views it, is a waiting catastrophe as corruption and waste will sweep into all unfilled holes in the bureaucracy. Such a line of thinking is derived from Yamagata’s faith in the Japanese emperor and his supreme authority, showing hints of nationalism. More extreme forms of nationalistic thinking became a driving influence on Japan’s actions during WWII. Yamagata may also be critiquing the preceding Tokugawa shogunate which decentralized its power to local lords (Daimyo). The resulting political instability was a contributing factor in the government’s collapse.
“After all, we might as well recognize the fact that, in spite of the upward trend of evolution, we are still merely human beings built on a substratum of neolithic man. Even in this twentieth century, after the tragic lessons of the last few years [WWI], we are still considerably lower than the angels, and being so we need strong rulers rather than the democracy and individualism that are being preached by all the devotees of the great god Fashion. […] All the great nations have been built on imperial foundations, and the phenomenal growth and development of modern Japan were possible only because she was united and had as a ruler a great, farseeing, and unselfish monarch, one of the great men of history. Is it possible, with the noble old samurai training of the past, the spirit of which enabled her to become what she is, that twentieth century Japan will repudiate that training and follow the false gods of democracy and ‘freedom’? The condition of Russia today is exactly what Balzac said would happen when the masses ruled. […] [Japanese Liberals] will find that a ‘world made safe for democracy’ works out as a world made safe for crime, dishonesty in government, and a general waste and inefficiency that are appalling, and that democracy though it be, the United States has had to adopt autocratic methods in every supreme crisis in her history in order to spell Success.”
Source : University of California
A World Unsafe For Democracy, pp. 14 & 16-17, Isoh Yamagata, September of 1920
An excerpt from Mikadoism by Dr. R. Oda; a summary of contemporary writer Dr. Uyesugi’s book, Shinsei Nippon no Kensetsu (The Foundation of the True Japan). Uyesugi lays out six principles that he believes Japan should instate to compete with western powers. At the heart of these principles lay the deeply nationalistic message that the Japanese are a forever unified people in agreement with the emperor’s expansionist intentions. While opinions differing from those affiliated with the emperor are presented throughout What Japan Thinks, the sentiment of national uniformity shows admiration for traditional Japanese customs; admiration evidenced by the references to ancient scripture. Uyesugi argues that the fragmented demographics of so many western democracies are the reason for the waste and infighting found in Germany, Russia, and the United States. It is only Japan, he argues, which can truly possess the benefits of democracy due to the consistent vision of those from all regions and backgrounds. However, there is recognition of positive western practices introduced to Japan during the Meiji Restoration. The most notable examples would be Uyesugi’s inclusion of universal suffrage and industrialization as core principles of modern Japan.
“(1) Unify National sentiment by suppressing all ideas which are inconsistent with the healthful existence of the State; (2) Found a Greater Japan by ‘mobilizing’ the whole nation, in order to secure peace and independence for the Orient [Japanese]; (3) Encourage militarism and a system of universal conscription by every possible means; (4) Devise measures to reconcile Capital with Labor and develop Japan’s industrial power to a maximum; (5) Establish the Japan-for-Japanese principle and revise the present Civil Code, which is based on individualism, in accordance with the criterion of the nationalistic ideals proper to the Japanese, and also abolish the peerage; (6) Overthrow the democratic form of parliamentarism and bring ‘centripetal Mikadoism’ [emperor worship] to its full play in national politics, and also adopt a universal suffrage system. […] In this country, the will of the whole, which can never be expressed through majority vote, is expressed by the Emperor. The interests of the nation, in perfect unison with the interests of its individual members, are promoted by the exercise of his sovereign powers. This can not be expected in any country where sovereignty vests in the people. Thus, the true ideals of democracy can be realized only in Japan. Only in this country can the interests of the individual coincide with those of the public, and this because the Mikado, who is revered as a god, holds sovereignty. Only in Japan can the will of the individual consistently be the will of the whole nation, for every Japanese believes that his or her individual ego can be developed to a maximum through obeying the Emperor. The Kojiki, which was compiled in 712 A.D., is the oldest annals of Japanese history and the scripture of our national faith. According to that document, Dai Nippon [Great Japan] is an extension of the ideal state in Heaven. So believed our ancestors; so do we still believe, and this faith is the foundation stone of our racial unity.”
Source : University of California
Mikadoism, pp. 50-51 & 53, R. Oda, Circa 1920
An excerpt from Dr. Sakuzo Yoshino’s paper, Liberalism in Japan, in which he details his support for the wider Japanese liberal movement. Yoshino praises western intervention and the subsequent Restoration as a revival for the isolated nation, encouraging a more worldly view among its populace. Specifically, he is in support of the demilitarization of Japan (likely due to the horrors of WWI) and wishes for a healthier relationship with China and Korea. In Yoshino’s view, he sees these nations as neighbors and their citizens as peers to the Japanese people. He argues this is at odds with the conservative government’s foreign policy which prioritized aggression against China and Korea to intimidate them into submission. Yoshino adds further support for his message by discussing his liberal students, suggesting they represent the future of Japan through their creation of a “new atmosphere”. He provides examples of his student’s liberalism in the adoption of Esperanto to create an effective dialogue with foreigners whose voices were historically ignored. Yoshino’s message of liberal acceptance is directly opposite to Yamagata’s conservative take on Japan’s future; a comparison which is noted by Kawakami.
“Of course Japan was greatly influenced by changes that were taking place in the West at the same time. If you study Western history you find that at the close of the nineteenth century militarism was giving way, and this strongly influenced Japan. Especially along the line of social studies tremendous changes were taking place in the West, and this reacted immediately upon Japan. The new attitude in the West toward political affairs and the new study of social questions also struck a responsive note on this side. Instead of simply opposing the bureaucratic government a new thought became manifest in Japan tinctured with these new social and political ideas of the West. This was a real contribution from Western countries to the life of Japan. […] And yet there is a growing number of young men, mostly students, who are influenced by the world tendency. They are Influenced by the world spirit. They are more and more taking these things to heart. This Is apparent in national questions. Take, for instance, the labor movement. Students are going out and living with the laboring people in order that they may study the question at firsthand and get information. This shows the new spirit which the young men of Japan are manifesting today. There are a number of students who are coming to know that they must take a different attitude toward the Korean and Chinese students in Japan. They are trying to understand their thought life and to become one with them. These students with wider sympathies and world vision are the students that the militarists and the conservatives in the government look upon as men with dangerous thoughts. And so wherever a group of these students congregates a new police box appears on the other side of the street. […] Since last summer some of us have been getting together with the Korean and Chinese students, talking things over and trying to get a mutual understanding of each other’s views. In these little conferences the language used was Japanese, but some of the Japanese students have begun to feel that to ask these students to adopt our language In these conferences is not treating them on a basis of equality. It is making them adopt our language and putting them on a level below us. So there has been an effort to get a language in which they can converse on an absolutely equal basis. Since September they have been meeting once a week studying Esperanto [universal language] in order that they might have a common language in which to converse with absolutely equal freedom. It simply shows the new atmosphere.”
Source : University of California
Liberalism in Japan, pp. 84, 89, 90, Sakuzo Yoshino, 1917
An excerpt from Vice Admiral Sato Tetsutaro’s article, Japan’s Navalism, in which he details his support for the expansion of Japanese naval activity. The crux of Tetsutaro’s argument is that Japan needs to strengthen its navy to secure its homeland and provide trade security to support the growing population. There are elements of Meiji Restoration principles in the Vice Admiral’s conclusion that Japan needs to further industrialize its military sector to compete with regional powers. He hopes such advancements will keep mainland Japan secure enough to prevent a foreign occupation as disastrous as the Germans in Belgium. Such a need to modernize the Japanese navy is a reminder of the hysteria from the lurking “black ships” of the Perry Expedition, one of the initiating factors of the Meiji Restoration. The discussion of Japan’s lack of colonies is also used as a reason why Japan should adopt expansionist naval policies. While Tetsutaro believes Japan is to be relegated to foreign trade, certain political figures had more imperialist ambitions and encouraged territorial expansion. This helps explain why the Japanese military was so eager to capture Pacific island colonies during both world wars.
“Just suppose a wealthy country was Invaded by an ambitious, wicked nation; it would be another Belgium, and its wealth would prove a safe unlocked and with no watchmen. Belgium possessed ample wealth and her contention was unimpeachable, being in strict accordance with the international laws. And yet the first weeks of the war [WWI] saw her downtrodden by Germany. Does this not remind us that military force is of supreme necessity for national defense? However, force, not backed by wealth, will prove good for nothing, just as there is no difference between a heap of stones and a 20-inch gun manned efficiently, if there is no ammunition to feed it with. Thus it is clear that military force must be accompanied by wealth. But it must also be borne in mind that justice adds weight to them. Indeed, a nation cannot hope to be safe and secure until and unless it combines in itself justice, wealth, and arms. For then no other nation will dare to despise it or invade its country. In the past, Japan had ample resources with which to feed her nation. The increase, however, of her population has been so remarkable since the middle of last century that the Japanese have now outgrown their resources. […] The other countries have ample room for any increase in their population. […] As regards our country, however, she has no colony worthy of the name. Even if she tries to send emigrants aboard, America, Australia, and South Africa refuse them entry by means of rigid immigration laws. Such being the case, there is only one way open for Japan to feed her rapidly increasing population. That is to import raw materials from foreign countries. Indeed there is no course left to Japan but foreign trade, if she is to feed her ever-growing population.”
Source : University of California
Japan’s Navalism, pp. 96-97 & 98-99, Sato Tetsutaro, March of 1920
A colored engraving of Commodore Matthew Perry’s Second Fleet to Japan. The ships featured (from left to right) are the USS Susquehanna, USS Saratoga, USS St. Mary’s, USS Supply, USS Plymouth, USS Perry, USS Mississippi, and the USS Princeton. These ships, notable for their black-painted exteriors and exposed guns, were sent to intimidate the Japanese shogunate into ending its long period of isolation. The “black ships” stalked the Japanese coast; threatening destruction from afar if American demands were not met. This tactic proved to be effective and within two decades, Japan was a rapidly industrializing nation with a U.S.-backed monarchy at the helm.
Source : BaxleyStamps
View of the Vessels Composing the Japanese Squadron, Gleason’s Pictorial Drawing-Room (artists), Circa 1854
An excerpt from Prime Minister Hara Takashi’s article, East and West, in which he advocates for the fair treatment of Japan by foreign powers as a means of ensuring post-war peace. Takashi is specifically targeting a western audience with this paper as the article was initially translated and published in English. During the early twentieth century, there was a common conception that Japan was a warring nation hellbent on foreign conquest. This idea was primarily derived from Japan’s recent military accomplishments in their victory in the Russo-Japanese War, their annexation of Korea, and their naval successes during WWI. Takashi, being a senior government official, is attempting to quell fears in the west over whether Japan will become power-hungry. His main rebuttal to “yellow peril” is his claim that Japan is a nation ultimately seeking peace and will find said peace in cooperation with foreign powers. In arguing this point, Takashi skillfully flatters his audience by insisting Japan is still second to the “White race”; therefore making it seem like Japan is far from being a world power. Takashi also adds that westerners may be responsible in part for the lack of strong peace, urging them to look inward and in turn, away from Japan. For his rather controversial policies, Takashi would be assassinated by a far-right radical less than a year after the publication of this article.
“Hitherto, the standard of world civilization has been set by the white race, and the ideals of mankind and the preservation of peace have been in its keeping. We do not hesitate to recognize that the white race is a little ahead of us in its civilization, especially in scientific culture. But when we consider that the great war found its origin in the defects of that very civilization, we cannot but be convinced that the future maintenance of peace is the common charge of all nations and the responsibility equally of the two civilizations. Oriental [eastern] and Occidental [western]. All nations and all peoples owe the duty and have the right to contribute their ideals of civilization toward preserving peace. […] I ardently wish European and American nations to understand the nature of Oriental civilization by investigating its spirit, and I likewise hope that Oriental peoples, especially the Japanese, will voluntarily make clear the essence of their own culture, contributing with those of the West to the advancement of human progress and the peace of the world. The Japanese are not adept at displaying their true selves, and their real worth has hitherto been doubted, often leading to misunderstandings. […] Those foreigners who regard Japan from afar, and call her a despotic state or an aggressive nation, are guilty of too much misunderstanding of the fabric of the Japanese nation. In every fiber, Japan is, internally, a state ruled by the principles of freedom and equality; and, externally, a state adhering to peace and harmony. All political, diplomatic, economic, and social questions and measures are treated in this moral conviction. There is, thus, in the life of Japan constant elasticity, and we are not threatened, as are some other Powers, with perilous class feuds, nor are we menaced with schemes endangering the very structure of society.”
Source : University of California
East and West, pp. 135, 137, 140, Hara Takashi, December of 1920
An excerpt from Marquess Okuma Shigenobu’s article, Illusions of the White Race, in which he argues for an end to the practice of discrimination on religious and historical grounds. Shigenobu was a Japanese statesman and prominent proponent of the Meiji Restoration; he was also notable for obtaining the ears of western leaders as suggested by his title: Marquess (European nobleman). Shigenobu first presents a reason for equality through the message of Christ, hoping to resonate with westerners. As “God makes no discrimination against any race”, he argues that Japanese people should be held in the same regard as their White counterparts. He proceeds to provide historical backing for his case, listing numerous races and peoples which have been subject to discrimination or enslavement throughout history due to some arbitrary belief that one skin color is preferable to another. Shigenobu explains how the Japanese reject such conceptions, suggesting that his people are beyond such “superstitions”. In championing racial equality, Shigenobu hopes to allow the Japanese people to fully utilize the benefits of the Restoration (i.e. trade, industry, education, etc.) by encouraging their recognition as a free and fair people. It is only once racial equality is recognized, he argues, the world can truly be a safe and prosperous place. It is important to note that this idea of equality was rejected in the Japanese proposal for the Treaty of Versailles by European statesmen. The frustration generated from said rejection was the primary motivation for Shigenobu writing this piece.
“Confucius, the ancient sage [scholar] of China, taught that all peoples of the earth were brethren; Shaka Muni, the founder of Buddhism, preached that all human beings were equal, while Christ emphasized the necessity of philanthropy. They were the founders of the three leading religions. They came Into the world at different times and In different places; yet their teachings unquestionably centered upon the truth and the necessity of human equality. God makes no discrimination against any race or any man. Men are created equal and have equal rights. […] The whites are obsessed with the mistaken theory that they are superior to all other races. This is the most serious obstacle in the way of the realization of racial equality. Now the Japanese, the Chinese, the Mongolians, the Turks, the Indians, the Afghans, the Persians, the Arabs, the Malayans, the American aborigines, and the African peoples are all non-white. They are all held in contempt by the whites. And it is the common belief among the whites that the darker the skin, the more inferior is the race. It is based neither upon science, nor upon any positive experience. It is a mere superstition backed by historical prejudices. […] Of the non-white countries, Japan had taken the lead in adopting the best parts of European civilization — including its military side. She codified her laws, and reformed her police and judicial systems, her military and naval forces, thus placing herself almost on an equal footing with that of the European countries. Therefore, the Europeans were compelled to withdraw their extraterritorial rights from Japan. […] The example set by Japan has convinced the other Asiatic races of the possibility on their part to be on an equal footing with the white races, if only they reform their political system and adopt the needed portion of European civilization. In other words, the rise of Japan and the consequent abolition of extraterritoriality have exploded the superstition that the world is to be ruled by the whites.”
Source : University of California
Illusions of the White Race, pp. 161-162, 166-167, 167-168, 168, Okuma Shigenobu, January of 1921
An excerpt from The “White” Problem in Asia, the eleventh work to appear in What Japan Thinks. The anonymous author rails against White western encroachment in Asia, believing it to be the greatest abuse of power seen so far. The core of the author’s argument is that Asia only serves to feed western nations with a supply of goods and territory; removing such “strangleholds” would give the Asian powers the freedom to become world powers. This point is backed up by the implication that the author would prefer an Asian totalitarian government with full sovereignty to a democracy ruled by White foreigners. This extreme view leads Kawakami to assume the author is a Hindu nationalist; a nation that had a far more negative relationship with western powers when compared to Japan.
“The expulsion of the West from the East is the sole preliminary to a discussion of fundamental peace terms; for the greatest problem before the statesmen of the world reconstruction in the interest of durable peace is that of the freedom of Asia. Not until this has been solved satisfactorily are there any chances for the genuine social-industrial democracy of man hoped for by the international socialists or for the conventional League of Nations championed by the capitalists and the capitalist-bossed intelligentsia. Humanity is in the sorest need of an emancipated Asia. Every inch of Asian soil must be placed under a sovereign state of the Asian race, no matter whether sovietic-communal, republican, monarchical, democratic, or autocratic. Is the political consciousness of Europe and America alive to these demands? Certainly not. For the one fact that has been systematically ignored both by the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is that the last war arose neither out of the nationality problems in Europe nor out of the class struggle in the Western world, but essentially out of the keen rivalry for dominating the lands and seas of Asia. And yet where did Asia stand at the peace conference? Virtually nowhere. The Congress at Versailles had practically no problem as to the reconstruction of Asia left for solution to the diplomatic tug of war; for the fate of Asia had already been sealed.”
Source : University of California
The “White” Problem in Asia, pp. 173-174, Unknown Author, November of 1920
An excerpt from Count Goto Shinpei’s article, The Japanese Question in America, in which he criticizes the anti-Japanese sentiments found in both the American government and the American populace. Shinpei uses anecdotal evidence to refute the claim that Japanese immigrants degrade the American working force; suggesting that they outclass American workers. Shinpei urges Americans, specifically Californians, to be more racially tolerant as the Japanese are held to the same standards as “native” born citizens (and often exceed them).
“They [Californians] pictured them [Japanese] as underselling the white man in the ‘labor market’ and generally degrading the social standards of the people of California. It is certainly a great advance that in the present agitation these charges are scarcely heard. As a matter of fact Japanese are now earning as much as, and in many cases more than, white laborers in similar lines of work. In these lines of work they are unquestionably more efficient. Far from degrading social standards, I have often heard Americans comment on the personal tidiness of the Japanese boys. ‘It is a marvel,’ they said, ‘how these boys keep well-dressed with their limited incomes.’ During the latter part of the war, when the Japanese farmers were especially prosperous, the number of those who used automobiles and trucks instead of wagons phenomenally increased. I have heard many Americans speak of it in good nature but with some jealousy. Under such changed situations anti-Japanese arguments of the former days are out of place.”
Source : University of California
The Japanese Question in America, pp. 192-193, Goto Shinpei, January of 1921
An image of a Hollywood, California resident pointing at a sign over her porch reading “Japs Keep Moving, This Is A White Man’s Neighborhood”. Racist sentiments similar to these were common in western nations during the early twentieth century, although they were particularly pronounced in California. The state had become a hub for Asian migrants during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, rousing suspicion among the local populace. Many “native” residents began to see Asians as untrustworthy and morally objectionable due to perceived increases in illicit activities and their inherent non-Christian background. This wariness manifested into fear, prompting the U.S. government to ban all Asian immigration in the Immigration Act of 1924. This racism was fiercely rejected by the Japanese government and prompted lambasting writings from political figures such as Okuma Shigenobu and Goto Shinpei.
Source : United Press International
Japs Keep Moving, Unknown Author, May of 1923
To obtain a better understanding of the works included in What Japan Thinks, one must look at the editor, Kiyoshi K. Kawakami. Kawakami was born in 1873 in the early years of the Meiji Restoration. Witnessing this influx of western media into his country, Kawakami came to understand the true effects of the Meiji Restoration on the Japanese people. He took interest in socialist thought; reading the translated manuscripts of prominent figures such as Karl Marx. Marx’s work had a profound effect on Kawakami; the young man assumed Karl as his middle name. Kawakami proceeded to help establish Shakai Shugi Kenkyukai (Society for the Study of Socialism) and Shakai Minshuto (Socialist Democratic Party); two organizations that reveled in the ideas of Marx. However, these organizations would be short-lived and Kawakami found himself pursuing a political science degree in the United States by 1901. After some brief ventures in American socialism, Kawakami became disillusioned with the movement by the end of the decade. Throughout the rest of his life, he focused his efforts on relieving tensions concerning Japanese migrants in California. A self-proclaimed activist, he moved his family to San Francisco to mend the poor reputation of Japanese immigrants. He published numerous books on the topic, firm In his pro-immigration beliefs. The inclusion of The Japanese Question in America is an example of Kawakami displaying his devotion to Japanese immigrant rights as he includes the article discussing a foreign issue in an anthology about mainland Japan. To Kawakami, the issues of Japanese abroad are the issues of Japanese living on the mainland. However progressive in his views, Kawakami’s beliefs involved unusual complexities which alter the message of his chosen writings. For example, Kawakami agreed with notions of racial supremacy as long as the Japanese were considered one of the superior races. He may have viewed this as a more palatable message for white supremacists or believed in the historic Japanese racial hierarchies which devalued Korean and Chinese people. Nevertheless, the inclusion of articles such as The “White” Problem in Asia and Illusions of the White Race may be due to Kawakami’s greater belief in the sole tolerance of the Japanese (by westerners) rather than the universal acceptance of racial equality initially implied. The articles A World Unsafe For Democracy and Mikadoism provide further evidence for Kawakami’s belief in Japanese supremacy (although through nationalism rather than race) in their praise of the emperor’s supreme rule above all other leaders. Mikadoism explicitly dismisses any non-autocratic governance as secondary to Japanese rule. It stands to reason that Kawakami was in support of Japanese expansion and encouraged a practice similar to that of western imperialism through his inclusion of Japan’s Navalism and ardent support for the emperor. As written in Mikadoism, “Only in Japan can the will of the individual consistently be the will of the whole nation, for every Japanese believes that his or her individual ego can be developed to a maximum through obeying the Emperor”. By this logic (and assuming Kawakami follows said logic), the expansionist desires of the state are the desires of Kawakami as an individual and therefore the supremacist ideals of Kawakami must then be the ideals of the state. His immigration convictions also point toward the notion that Kawakami supported expansionist policies. It is clear that while What Japan Thinks is a well-rounded collection of various Meiji Restoration-related materials, the specific works selected suit the editor’s agenda and biases.
Given the subject matter of What Japan Thinks, a discussion of the book is one about the Meiji Restoration. The common thread found throughout the excerpts is the varying degrees to which liberalism was accepted or rejected in modernizing Japan. With the initial curiosity for western culture, the Japanese were quick to adopt foreign practices so as to appear worldly. Western liberal ideas became swept up in the cultural infatuation and many Japanese took the opportunity to suggest a break from the traditional institutions. Certain radicals even believed it was the essence of Japanese culture which prevented modernization. An example would be urban feminists who protested for universal suffrage as a means to put Japan on par with western philosophy. However, the restored imperial monarchy had a far more conservative approach to the Restoration. They saw that Japan should be selective in which elements of western culture they were to adopt. This became the predominant sentiment as the populace tended to concur with the emperor’s stance, as explained in Mikadoism. The feminist movements were swiftly crushed by the conservative monarchy; women became relegated to menial laborers and housewives. The most eagerly adopted ideal from the West was undoubtedly consumerism and supporting that, industrialization. For the first time, the Japanese could utilize steam power to manufacture goods. Clothing was now mass-produced and affordable; often available in a fashionably western style. Agricultural yields were greater, facilitating explosive population growth and urbanization. As written in Japan’s Navalism, “During 1870 and 1880, Japan’s population was said to be between 30 and 50 million, but now in 1920 it has exceeded 60 million, and is fast approaching the mark of 70 million”. The growing population also directly increased the scale of manufacturing, producing even greater amounts of consumable goods. Industrialization also gave way to advancements in military technology. Naval vessels were constructed with steam engines and iron hulls, able to challenge any western ship on the water. Soldiers of the national military were equipped with the latest rifles. Commanders now had more information with improvements to communication networks. The Japanese military outclassed all East Asian forces by 1900, prompting the institution of imperialist policies. Soon, Japan was challenging (semi)-modernized nations and emerging victorious (Russo-Japanese War), adding substance to their claimed status of world power. Successive conflicts and occupations, encouraged by nationalism, brought the nation ever more prestige and territory. It would be the horror of WWI that stalled the ambitious war machine. War was a sour taste in the Japanese mouth; it washed away with the nationalistic promise of greater expansion. Within two decades, the industrious nation found itself on the losing side of history’s deadliest conflict. This was the end of economic growth, reform, and nationalism; essentially the end of Meiji-Restored Japan. It was also the start of something new. A new restoration headed by a liberalized government and supported by a liberal people exhausted by war. It can be said that the end of the Meiji era was truly the beginning of modern Japan.
“Anti-Japanese Exclusion Movement.” Densho Encyclopedia, October 8, 2020. https://encyclopedia.densho.org/Anti-Japanese_exclusion_movement/.
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An economic boom built upon industrialization, the Brazilian Miracle is remembered as a failure in centralized planning, military autocracy, and state terror that ultimately degraded many to their pre-industrial lives.
Acquired by America’s premier industrialist, the Dearborn Independent was able to gain an international audience through its manufacturing of hate-speech on the popular basis of Social Darwinism.
At the height of Cold War tensions, a tariff dispute over chicken production between Atlantic allies would have lasting consequences for the U.S. automotive industry.